May God bless her and keep her in His hands always. Celebrating Kamala Bhattacharya Debi beloved grandmother my mother’s side. Jhoro jhoro borishae bari dhara hai potho bashi, hai gothi hinu, The rainfall will only last until it reaches the shores. Hai gothi hinu hai griho hara. What are those who depend on the starry heaven to guide their journey to do? Phirae bayu, they cry, swiftly return black clouds that carry rain. Shorae phirae bayu, let thunder, lightning and rain sing with one voice again. Dakea karae, who are they calling for in unison? Jononino ashimo pranthorae, they plead for those whose shores are at the end of the world. Rojoni adhara and lightning lost, hai potho bashi hai gothi hinu hai griho hara adhira jomuna thorongo akula bokularae, the restless river Jamuna’s strong waters, thimiro dhokula shogonaei rae dhokularae, Unfortunately, only the timid, afraid to be forgotten, nibiro nirodho gogonae, look up at the empty skies, goro goro goro gorojae, to hear the thunder that carry no rainfall. Choncholo chapula chamokae, the restless lightning nahi shoshi thara, do not have an answer, having lost their way, what are they who carry misfortune to do now? Hai griho hara, the ones for whom the starry heaven carries only empty clouds.
Obedient Value is also to be understood as our Law of Value. The Rabbinate, Yerushalayim, Israel. Direct democracy also called pure democracy, forms of direct participation of citizens in democratic decision making, in contrast to indirect or representative democracy, based on the sovereignty of the people. This can happen in the form of an assembly democracy or by initiative and referendum with ballot voting, with direct voting on issues instead of for candidates or parties. Sometimes the term is also used for electing representatives in a direct vote as opposed to indirect elections (by voting for an electing body, electoral college, etc.) as well as for recalling elected officeholders. Direct democracy may be understood as a full-scale system of political institutions, but in modern times, it means most often specific decision-making institutions in the broader system environment of representative democracy. Decision-making theories range from objective rational decision making, which assumes that individuals will make the same decisions given the same information and preferences, to the more subjective logic of appropriateness, which assumes that specific institutional and organizational contexts matter in the decisions that individuals make.
Mill’s Harm Principle is that indirect harm does not apply.
Mill writes, “In many cases, an individual, in pursuing a legitimate object, necessarily and therefore legitimately causes pain or loss to others, or intercepts a good which they had a reasonable hope of obtaining (1009).” Who is he to say that while pursuing an object pain or loss is necessary at all? The definition of necessary, according to Webster’s Dictionary, is absolutely essential or needed to achieve a certain result or affect. I do not think that in any way it would be necessary to cause harm while trying to achieve a goal. There are so many ways to go about to achieve a goal without causing harm to someone. However, if for example, you and a coworker are in position for a promotion, you are both fighting against each other for the position, you receive the promotion and unintentionally hurt the other worker, and this harm caused does not put you at fault. If you did something evil or something that would purposely cause the individual to not get the promotion this is intentional and you should be placed at fault. In summary Mill believes that consequential harm will not apply to the harm principle; however I believe that the circumstances of the situation are very important in be able to consider whether or…”
Dherae na… noor basayaemai, The treasure that is you, ankhiyo mae thera kuub hoi therae mai, when did I become that in your eyes? Rab janae mera, only the sage Rabbi knows, raang dhiya thera ishq nai youun, you have covered all with glory, ho gai mai thu hi thu, and we are yours once again. Raang thunae kaisa hae chardaya, what sort of spell is this O Lord. Sun yara sun yara therae ishq na cholo paya, it is the love of saints which does not abandon the person who receives it. Aanchal mai bharkae phuul aei sarae hain, the shelter of sarees is filled with flowers. Khushboo saae bhar thu mausaum thumharae, your laws represent a fervent season Khush ho rahae hai sabnae hamarae, making all of us glad. Bethayae rahae ho thuum dharkan kinarae, You are seated at the doorstep of life, raang dhiya therae ishq nai yuun, your glory surveiled all. Sun yara thearae ishq na cholo paya, this yearning of saints captures all hearts. Ho gayi mai gai mai thu hi thu and I become like you, within and without. Suub chupae hain, all that is hidden kadhmoe raas rukae sarsae sachjo, is revealed at your holy feet stopping anarchy and therefore is our blessing. Aansou rung thunae chardaya, you have made tears opinion, khushayon ki saayae sarsae, all of happinesses’ verses sach dho mai,have come true again in tear filled eyes. Dhil kae pehlae zakhm chuphae hai kadhmoe thalae saab rus pae ruunkae hain, Thus, in our souls’ encounter with injury, sin is hidden. Khushuyoin kae sayae sarsae uthae hain, happiness rains over our heads, saaj dho mai asoun saarae chuukhae hai..it is true that your treasures can be found only in tears that flowed. Sun yara, sun yara, calling all the saints to assembly..
Satyagraha;- the one universal law of being.
Chief Rabbi of the Commonwealth, Jonathan Sacks on moral rights, democracy and dictatorship.
Speaking at the beginning of a panel on What should ‘the West’ stand for, Sacks made the important point that the West isn’t a single line of thinking. He pointed to Friedrich Hayek’s distinction between the Anglo-American and the French concept of human rights, which is laid bare in two of the West’s key revolutionary documents.
The French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen declares that ‘all men are born and remain equal in rights’. In contrast, the American Declaration of Independence, influenced by John Locke, holds ‘that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, (and) that among these are Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness.’ They may sound similar, but they are not.
The French concept of human rights in effect calls for equality of outcomes (‘created and remain equal’), not just equality of opportunity like the American Declaration (‘created equal’). The French concept necessitates maximal government to keep people ‘equal’. This inevitably infringes on liberty to develop our differences – and, in many ways, is what sowed the seeds for the downfall of the French Revolution as it turned to The Terror to make people ‘equal’. In contrast, the American formula of human rights requires limited government to allow individuals to pursue their own concept of human flourishing.
In addition, the French idea of human rights is based upon the state as the guarantor of rights. In contrast, the American Revolution was predicated on a very strong civil society. This is one of the facets of America that fascinated Alexis de Tocqueville in his masterful Democracy in America: “Americans of all ages, all conditions, all minds constantly unite… In America I encountered sorts of associations of which, I confess, I had no idea, and I often admired the infinite art with which the inhabitants of the United States managed to fix a common goal to the efforts of many men and to get them to advance to it freely.”
These associations stand between the individual and the state, enabling the individual and society to achieve our common goals without coercion. However, there has been an almost unnoticed cultural climate change in the past half-century: the rise of the French concept of the state by elites. ‘We are all French now,’ Sacks said. The state is now maximal in its role, and so are the demands laid upon it. Much of this links to the weakness of civil society.
Robert Putman’s Bowling Alone diagnosed the death of ‘social capital’, that is, the breakdown of civil society organisations and community bonds. The book’s title comes from his finding that more people are bowling than ever before – but instead of bowling in clubs, Americans are bowling alone. The breakdown of community bonds, that operated through mutual benefit organisations, charities, and churches, has been enabled by a growing state and led to the perceived necessity for bigger government.
We often forget that, for example, unemployment benefits are quite a new concept. In Australia, unemployment assistance was first introduced by the Labor Government in 1945. Before that, people turned to the community for help when they lost their job. Your neighbours and family dropped off food and donated clothes, and charities provided support. Albeit for benign reasons, this all changed with the advent of unemployment assistance. In effect, the growth in the role of government has crowded out community.
The consequences of this have proven dire. ‘The French tradition leaves very little between the individual and the state, and the end result of that is that when the individual feels that the state is not meeting its needs, it turns to populist politics,’ Sacks says. The state inevitably fails to deliver, and as Harvard professor Pippa Norris diagnoses in Democratic Deficit, there is a growing gap between expectations of the governed and outcomes of government. Feeling powerless, people are now turning to strong individuals, who often are not friends of liberty, to defeat the elites.
Therefore, the threat facing the West is not in fact external – it is internal. As Sacks concludes:
The great danger is the moral vacuum at the heart of Western political structures. The French system believes that liberty is a political achievement. The Anglo-American tradition believes that freedom is at least also a moral achievement, and without that moral substance, born, and cultured, and cultivated, in families, communities and traditions, some religious and some national, the West will be left with a vacuum out of which disorder will follow.
The Centurian who became a Christian, contrarian extraordinare (not) for Jesus’s word and servanthood. “Lord I am not worthy that you should enter under my roof but only say the word and let my servant be healed.” Jesus replies, “I too am a man under authority with soldiers under me.” This man was a Roman soldier, a representative of Israel’s enemy. Jesus moved his head and chuckled. He understood what even these Jewish elders didn’t yet grasp.